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Buy ultram, ultram er, tramadol ultram, cheap ultram, ultram online, order ultram. We have also discovered something more far reaching, and this is that early mankind, consciously or subconsciously, at an individual or at a collective level, has shown great knowledge of the natural environment. Indeed this is a knowledge that we in our age seem to have lost. Let us look at something new, which not many have noticed, or indeed will see even when told. Communications by land have been the main factor in the spread of humans across the globe —navigation has come much later.

Now imagine a tribe of hominids or a trail of pack mules moving across a tract of land. How awful it would be for them to get bogged down by a large river, by marshes, by ravines or other natural obstacles. Therefore man has, very early on, acquired an excellent knowledge of topography and geomorphology? Such knowledge has been almost totally lost since well-established road systems made it unnecessary.

Looking at map highlighting the natural drainage of Western Europe we shall obtain a clear picture of the shape and extent of the main river basins. Rivers as well as mountain crests might be both a hindrance and an advantage in communication, and they are and have been both. Depending on their particular nature, a river or a mountain crest might present an impediment or an advantage. In Western Europe only the crests of the Alps and the Pyrenees are not green highways, practically all others are, and indeed have been in use as such since time began.

Among rivers only the Danube and the Rhine were navigable for any practical purpose, all other rivers were a hindrance to movement, as they were too shallow or had rapids and strong currents. In short, practically all watersheds of Western Europe, and the Rhine and Danube have been the first highways of man in Europe.

We can examine some of these natural highways and see whether they makes sense as communication routes. Across the vast expanses of Eurasia horsemen have avoided mighty rivers and only forded shallow ones, always taking the shortest cuts. Migrating people and early traders have also taken advantage of the numerous and intricate natural waterways to reach all places. The Vikings for example traded throughout Eurasia using their long-ships, which were essentially designed for river navigation.

I postulate therefore that navigable rivers as well as grassy mountain ridges have been the first highways of mankind. Whereas river valleys have been the natural highways to cross high mountains, they have been of little use elsewhere before they were reclaimed, cultivated, and their vegetation and marshes domesticated. Mainland Italy is a clearly defined country since the Alps and the sea largely mark its political boundaries.

Looking at the physical map of Italy one can clearly discern the main regions, which appear to have been determined to a great extent by physical geography. The triangular shaped southern Po Valley constitutes Emilia; this has its continuity into the eastern slopes of the Apennine characterized by regular erosion valleys leading from the Apennine watershed to the Adriatic Sea.

On the Northwest is the narrow coastal region of Liguria, a continuation of the French Riviera, adjacent to Tyrrhenian sea we note a considerable hilly region with three lakes, this is the land of ancient Etruria, now divided into Tuscany and Umbria. Part of Lazio is also the hilly region south of Rome and before the Bay of Naples, which with the surrounding hills forms Campania. The Mountainous region south of the centre adjoining the Adriatic sea forms the Abruzzi.

Then the flat heel of Italy is Apulia and the mountainous toe is Calabria, with Basilicata the hilly region in between. The islands are self-evident and deserve a separate comment. That this regional division is dictated both by nature and by history is plain enough, but let us look at one region in more detail. If we mark the main watersheds of the Peninsula, we obtain a clearer picture as to its geographical structure.

Tyrrhenian Italy —West of the Apennine watershed- presents an articulated system of ridges whereas Eastern Italy has no articulation at all, as ridges run straight to the Adriatic coast from the main Apennine range. In the North we note that the Adige Valley forms the main avenue of access to the Mediterranean from the north. This runs with the river whilst crossing the Alpine chain, and then climbs on the ridges of the pre-Alpine hills reaching the Venetian plain at Este.

That the Apennine range is also a road for the best part of its length is also an established fact, anyone who has walked it knows that. Down to the Abruzzi the Apennines have been the highway of a thriving pastoral economy.

The Adige Valley is none other than the famous Amber Route, and the articulate network of Tuscany, Umbria and Lazio represents the backbone of the Etruscan road system. Taking a closer look at the Tyrrhenian side of Italy we may now obtain a clearer picture of what stated above.

On the Adriatic side, the narrower, the ridges are so regular as to give the impression of a comb, on the broader Tyrrhenian side the Antiapennine system of hills offers instead a highlt articulated system of ridge-ways. This network of actual roads is none other than the base upon which Etruria emerged both as a territory and as a nation. We also note very clearly the secondary ridges or watersheds that adjoin it.

Etruria appears to be a region that shaped itself upon a network of transhumance routes, leading from the high summer pastures of the Apennines to the low grazing plains and hills of the sea-land the Maremma. We shall expand elsewhere on transhumance. It appears evident from a number of factors that the inland cities of ancient Etruria arose in the proximity of summer gathering grounds or markets. Whereas the coastal cities arose in the proximity of winter gathering grounds and markets.

As it is the case for many other nations geography, climate and resources have shaped the culture of Italy. A fair question to ask at this stage would now be: How does a road system, largely running along valleys or along foothills relate to this archaic structure of roads running on ridges? Without going into too many unnecessary theoretical explanations a simple diagram will clarify how a ridge-way such as the one on the Apennine crest generated its antithesis: the Via Aemilia, which runs straight along the northern foothills of the Apennines.

Settlement seldom exist on top of ridges, these are either found in its proximity or on riverine or lacustrine terraces above the foothills, generally at the terminus of secondary ridges. At the end of each secondary ridge that descend to the Po Valley from the Apennine crest is a town, an agricultural town which as a settlement is invariably much older than the Via Aemilia upon which it rests today.

In later epochs, with the advancement of technology and the shifting of economic interests to the plain, a road developed that joined up all settlements along the foothills thereby giving origin to the VIA AEMILIA, itself older than Rome. Bearing in mind that we are dealing with a case study, the case being that of a hilly country of recent geological formation such as Italy.

Other countries with a different geological history and with a different morphology will present a different case. In the greater part of Italy ancient settlements tends to be found on raised ground on minor ridges or at the end of a ridge, on a river or lake terraces. Let us look at the location of a traditional Tuscan farm.

Many farmhouses in Tuscany were built upon the ruins of earlier houses which in their turn were built upon still older ones often dating back to Hellenistic Etruscan times. We will note how well these Tuscan farms are placed with respect to the network of ridges. The farmhouse in question is located near a secondary watershed of the Antiapennine range.

The hill upon which the farm rests is joined to this ridge-way. Let us now work out the site catchment of the farm. This means drawing a circle with the house at its centre, with a radium of 1 Km, which roughly represents the average space of action of the farmer who lives there. Naturally the land around the farm includes arable land woodland, shrubland, and grazing meadows. Imagining the farmer applying the same effort in walking in any direction from the farm, in the same period of time he will cover uneven distances due to the nature of the terrain.

The circle has now become an irregular shape and this should reflect the actual site catchment of the farm. In simple words this shape represents the most heavily trodden part of the holding. The catchment area may vary considerably in shape according to many factors. The first conditioning factor is the morphology of the terrain, the second the nature and use of the soil. We may repeat the experiment taking another farmhouse. In all cases we shall notice how the actual catchment varies considerably from the perfect circle of the theoretical area.

If we now look at the relationships between four Neolithic sites in Southern Germany, we will notice that the location of each site is very well chosen. Within each site catchment are in fact included the best of all soils and resources: All settlements have within reach a fair amount of good arable soil, rough and wet grazing land. If we take a close look at one of the sites we will observe that the resources within it are the best possible within reach. We have so far examined by various stages and degrees, the issue of environmental impact upon human behaviour, upon communications and settlement in very broad terms.

The Antiapennine ridge is of course itself an offshoot of Apennine range. My point is that Etruria is a region that shaped itself upon a network of transhumance routes leading from the high summer pastures of the Apennines to the low grazing ground of the plains and hills of the seacoast, the Maremma. We shall expand elsewhere on this point. If we bear in mind the position of the main Etruscan inland cities we could easily argue that they arose in the proximity of summer gathering grounds or markets.

The location of coastal cities, would suggest that they arose in the proximity of winter gathering grounds and markets. Practically no major settlement if found between the inland and the coastal cities in the greater part of Etruria. As it is the case for many other nations, geography, climate, and resources have shaped the political geography of Italy. Let us look at other examples outside Italy and see whether the issue of ridgeways and watersheds bears any relevance elsewhere.

We will also find out that antiquarians and archaeologists there have been aware of this for at least years. Taking into account the geological differences between the Apennines and the South Downs and Chiltern Hills, we discover that the early inhabitants of the south of England like the early inhabitants of Tuscany, have based their system of communication on ridges and watersheds.

The location of Stonehenge and of Witshire in general, with respect to these natural communications is striking. The position of London on the Thames also makes perfect sense as it is served both by ridge and water-ways, at a crucial spot up the river Thames.

Let us now look at a section of the map of Palestine. We shall soon notice that the main watershed between the Mediterranean and the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea with all its secondary watersheds, makes a lot of sense to the human geography of this ancient and well-trodden country. It is an intriguing thought that early man on his way out of Africa might just have walked along this very ridgeway!

After what I have said and what you have already seen this scenario requires no further comment. The picture shows a number of striking features. First the main Apennine ridgeway, which from Liguria to the Abruzzi is a beautiful and easy grassy avenue, indeed used as such by generations of shepherds for thousands of years.

Tuscany and Lazio are traversed by a perpendicular ridge that constitutes the watershed of the Chianti Hills and of the volcanic plateau of North Lazio. If the Apennine watershed has been the main avenue of the great summer pastures, the ridges leading fom there to the Tyrrhenian coast have been the main transhumance routes to the winter pastures of the Maremma and of the Roman Campagna.

A fair question to ask would now be this: How does a road system, largely running along valleys or along foothills relate to this archaic structure of roads running on ridges? Without going into too many unnecessary details I show with this picture how a ridgeway such as the one on top of the Apennines generates its antithesis: the VIA AEMILIA, which runs straight along the northern foothills of the Apennines themselves.

Large settlements are seldom found on top of ridges, these are either found in its proximity or on riverine or lacustrine terraces at the end of each secondary ridge. This is certainly the case for all significant agricultural settlements. These Neolithic settlements at the margins of the fertile valley linked up with the main commercial highway of the Apennines through their individual ridges.

On a smaller scale, this is also the case for roads running along the minor valley south of the Apennine watershed. What does a ridgeway look like? On higher ground m to m and above- it is more often a green lane or a footpath. Lower than m of altitude it is often a white road , lower still it might be a motroway. This picture shows the main ridgeway of Etruria in its average appearance, as its average height ranges around m of altitutde. The hills shown here are those of the Chianti, southeast of Florence.

On each of the summits I have found some kind of ancient remains. They might have been night halts for transhumant herds, or night stalls on summer grazing grounds. On the the hill in the forground, at around m ASL next to a tall aereal, there is a church whose patron saint is Cerbone, the main martyr of Populonia, which by no accident is the Etruscan city at one of the terminals of the ridgeway itself.

Sicily and Sardinia are about the same size in area, and although geologically different, their soils offer similar opportunities to both agriculture and pastoralism. Yet the population of Sicily in the late s, amounted to about 4,,, whereas that of Sardinia amounted to just over 1,, In my own view this demographic difference is to be largely attributed to the fact that Sicily has always had a predominantly agricultural vocation whereas Sardinia has always had a predominantly pastoral vocation.

Two points are made with the example of Sicily and Sardinia: First an economy based on animal husbandry does not support large populations, second the same economy requires considerable space. Pastoralism means space, both in the sense of sheer grazing area, and in the sense of range of movement, as we shall see later, both these factors are essential to grazing animals.

The above diagram the grid behind the pictures of Ice Age animals illustrates the statistical extrapolation that one person namely a Magdalenian reindeer hunter needed reindeer a year to survive, and that reindeer required 60 square Km of grazing. The average human family group was of five people, therefore each family would have needed reindeer to live on for one year. The grazing land required to support reindeer would be no less than square Km. The large square above represents the sq Km, the dots at the top are the reindeer, the five dots in the circle at the bottom left represent the family group.

The circle around the family represents a radius of 3 Km, the daily range of a hunter. Palaeolithic populations, as indeed any pastoral population were very thin on the ground. Palaeolithic hunters in Glacial Europe amounted to a few thousand bands; the environment of Ice Age Europe was harsh, the only relatively temperate regions were found in the Atlantic zone of France and Iberia.

Here early modern man developed a complex culture that had its highest expression in the most sophisticated form of figurative art ever produced by any illiterate society. The culture of the hunter-gatherers of late glacial Europe, during the period called Magdalenian, went well beyond that of any other hunting culture known to us from the recent or distant past anywhere in both social and technological sophistication.

It is a this time that a kind of herd management if not full domestication emerged. Nomadic clans or bands of hunters followed and indeed carefully managed specific herds of red deer, reindeer, bison, ibex etc. It is during this time at any rate that a close relationship started between human and animal which in time was to lead to full domestication. We are told that the domestication of plants and animals took place or started during the Early Neolithic period in the Near East, namely the region known as the Fertile Crescent.

However, one fact is certain, sheep was already a domesticated animal when found in Neolithic remains, and so are wheat and barley, the main crops of the earliest farmers. Surely, both animals and plants must have undergone the necessary processes of genetic mutation, through controlled management and growth before the Neolithic.

During the s it was realized that as herds of deer, bison and wild sheep migrated seasonally to greener pastures, so did men… Before winter, both men and animals would leave the Apennines and head towards the plains of Tuscany and Lazio to find freshly grown grass and a warmer climate. The reindeer of northern Germany would move south to the hills and mountains of Bavaria to take refuge from parasites and to find fresh meadows. During the s and s archaeologists have found the same pattern all over Europe.

It has been through analytical archaeology and the ethnographic work which has accompanied it that researchers now believe a form of domestication of deer, sheep, cow and reindeer already existed during the Magdalenian period, about If since the Lower Palaeolithic period hunters learned the whereabouts of their game, towards the end of the Palaeolithic, they were already highly specialized herd managers According to some authors, complex hunting-gathering societies are characterized by the presence of a techno-economic system based on large scale storage of food, reduced mobility population increase, socio-economic differentiation, social division of labour, developed system of exchange, presence of warfare and intensive ceremonial and social activities.

All these aspects are difficult to demonstrate through archaeology alone. The hypothesis that the sheep was independently domesticated in the Western Mediterranean region before the introduction of farming, formerly accepted, now seems implausible.

The argument now goes that both sheep and goat might have spread in advance of farming for reasons other than simple subsistence. Ethnographic accounts suggest that over and above their products livestock offers prestige to owners and plays an important role in establishing social ranking, even in societies at a low technological level.

Mixed hunting herding economies must have persisted for some time after the arrival of farmers, probably as a consequence of the fact that herds and flocks conferred prestige and capital. In Corsica for example sheep, goats and pigs arrived with the first settlers in the 6th millennium, while cereals and cattle seem to have arrived later.

Probably with the growth of population the need for more food, prompted the importation of new resources, but more likely this coincides with the arrival of a different ethnic group which established itself in a different ecological niche. In Greece a littoral civilization seems to have grown alongside a predominantly pastoral culture which exploited the inland regions and the highlands.

Researchers believe that communities of transhumant shepherds arose on the plateaus of the French Midi, in the Baleares, on the Apennines and in Sardinia during the Chalcolithic period, exploiting areas marginal to agriculture. I would add that the same must have happened in the Balkans and elsewhere.

The same researchers suggest that the constraints of the pastoral way of life would have caused a fragmentation and the establishment of hierarchies throughout late Neolithic society. The value of milk could not have been appreciated before domestication, nor could the sheep have been domesticated for its wool, since the wild sheep had no wool.

Ryder explains it this way: Sheep and goat went through a stage that made them different from the dog in their domesticated role. The dog had established a symbiotic relationship with man, who had been parasitic to the reindeer. Sheep and goat went through the essential stage of having their reproduction controlled in captivity. Sheep and goat were psychologically suitable and naturally prone to accepting captivity without loosing their reproductive abilities. The domestication of sheep and goat was the unconscious and gradual strengthening of an association between two species pre-adapted by their respective evolutions to be of mutually beneficial.

Lambs may have been caught as hunting decoys or as pets, and then been suckled by women — a practice observed by ethnographers. The key to the process of domestication is not man the hunter, but woman the nurse… A tendency to keep pets must have also been essential together with a predisposition of the animal itself. Horn variation in goats and tail lengthening with the development of woolly fleece took place very early on in this process — much earlier than any pictorial representation appeared in Mesopotamia.

These changes in the domesticated animal are controlled by few genes, and what made sheep ad goat as we know them is an extraordinary closeness between man and animal. Ryder whether what makes us as we are is to be attributed to our closeness with sheep and goat or to other factors… There is no Neolithic textile made of wool, as the fleece was then too short to spin, the first spun wool appears in the early Bronze Age.

There are numerous references in the Classical lterary tradition to confirm this. It is at least a belief of the Romans that it was so. The Latins, as did most of the Italic peoples ploughed the gentler slopes and pastured sheep and goats on the rugged heights.

Fernand Braudel wrongly regarded transhumance as a relic of nomadism, the reverse may be true, it is nomadisn that derives from the practice of transhumance. The reasons are several, as it is difficult to asses from scanty remains of fauna and artifacts whether certain high altitude Neolithic sites were concerned with transhumance or with other seasonal exploitation of the environment.

It is true that transhumance is one of the many strategies used in the seasonal exploitation of highland zone resources by societies which have developed agricultural economies. Seasonal Neolithic sites in highland areas may not always indicate the existence of transhumance they may sometimes indicate the exploitation of resources other than pasture, such as minerals, timber, wild fruits and plants, or game. Those who are in favour of Neolithic transhumance have produced a wide literature, but it is not made clear what form of seasonal mechanism is envisaged.

The question remains as to what extent the highlands were being exploited in prehistory, and in what ways. Ethnoarchaeology has demonstrated that the exploitation of the highlands, by whatever means is, as a rule, profoundly integrated with lowland society and economy.

In historical times it has always been conditioned by political factors. This was the case in Classical antiquity, as records show, but it is an impossible task for an archaeologist to draw any such conclusions from the scanty evidence found in the excavation of a Neolithic site. Mountains, above metres, are generally uninhabitable during the winter, therefore sites above this altitude are regarded as seasonal. The question as to whether transhumance existed in prehistory in certain areas is bound to remain open.

Some authors point out that the evidence for transhumance in Classical literary sources is also unsatisfactory. Others instead take it for granted on consideration of environmental factors and animal physiological requirements, as we shall see here below. In the French Pyrenees and in Piedmont seasonality of sites, and ovicaprine scheletal remains seem to point to transhumance as the most likely explanation.

If transhumance existed in the Neolithic it must have been prompted by the climatic changes which took place at the end of the last glaciation. It is however clear that generalizations represent a hazard for the researcher, each location has to be studied on the ground of local archaeological, ethnological and environmental evidence.

Having said that, there are some plain facts which if taken into careful consideration, may be helpful in understanding the practical reasons and the necessities behind the development of transhumance and perhaps resolve, at a stroke, the question as to whether transhumance was practiced at Neolithic sites where bones of sheep and goats are plentiful. As far as I am concerned, the controversy was resolved by Prof. Graeme Barker of Leicester University, well over 20 years ago by means of plain and simple observation made in Central Italy.

It must be borne in mind that what Barker discovered also applies to many other regions of Europe. Barker states that annual rainfall in Central Italy varies from to 3. The summer draught is therefore the most severe limiting factor and its effects are concentrated on the lowlands where drastic climatic differences may arise within comparatively short distances. The result of this climate is the seasonality of pasture, which in any one place is much better at one time of the year than at another.

As Barker observed, on the high plateaus enclosed between the Apennine ridges or on mountain tops at 1. So far as I am concerned, the controversy was resolved by Prof. Barker was by no means the first to make the observation, nor the observation he made was so extraordinary, he made it in the right context.

It must be borne in mind that what Barker argued also applies to many other regions of Europe. Seasonal grazing also eliminates two further limiting factors at work in an all-year- round exploitation of lowland sites: In the heat of the summer, the water requirements of a sheep can rise to over 5 litres a day and watering the flock can become extremely laborious in the dry months, when water must be pumped or carried to the flocks kept on the lowlands.

Secondly, prolonged grazing on withered pasture produces deficiency in the only vitamin, vitamin A that appears to be vital to sheep nutrition. The traditional response to the constraints of the climate in Italy and elsewhere, has been transhumance: the maintenance of stock on the lowland plains during the winter when grazing is at its best, then the transportation of the animals now by truck, but traditionally on foot , into the high hills and mountains before the onset of the summer months, to take advantage of the spring flush of grass that follows the melting of the snows in May.

Whereas indirect references to pastoralism and nomadism are numerous among Greek authors, Varro, the Latin author of the 1st cent. Pliny the Younger in his letter to Gallus Letters, 2. The Government of the Kingdom of Naples had to send in the cavalry to restore the right of way to the shepherds. Still at the beginning of the 20th centur, the pastureland of Apulia extended for , hectares including the plains of Capitanata and part of the provinces of Potenza, Bari and Lecce.

It was here that at the time of Republican Rome the grazing of sheep from the Abruzzi contributed to create the wealth of cities. The situation in Imperial times is less clear and no written document testifies transhumance in Italy from the times of Varro until the 12th century. It was in that the constitution of the Norman ruler, William of Malo, established severe restrictions as well as ample rights of pasture to the shepherds of the central Apennines.

References to transhumance by foreign travellers to Italy are too numerous to mention from the 16th century onwards. This discovery fits Prof. In the island of Sardinia, where pastoralism has been an important part of the economy since prehistory, transhumance still exists between the mountains of Barbagia, around Orgosolo, and the lowlands of the south-west, around the ancient sites of Punic and Roman coastal towns.

Many writers have associated banditry on this island with the traditional and deep-seated enimity between pastoralists and arable farmers, although this may be questionable on historical and sociological grounds. The absence of a strong central authority in southern France, as in north-western Italy, may explain the lack of legislation regulating transhumance there. There were, until recent years, large numbers of flocks in Provence and Languedoc. The pattern was to drive them into the Alps, the Pyrenees or onto the Central Massif for summer grazing.

There was an organization based in Arles whose main concern was to safeguard the merino pedigree of associated flocks, but little else beyond that. When formalized rights existed in France, they were community rights. However, local rulers were as interested in the financial aspects of transhumance in France as rulers anywhere. Early in the 13th century, Count Raymond-Berenger V of Provence imposed a tax on animals which wintered on the lowlands.

Charles V of Anjou did the same. Catherine Delano Smith also states that transhumance has been one of the dramatic characteristics of western Mediterranean lands. Whether flocks are large or small the animals must be kept under control at all times and their movements must be orderly. The passage of flocks across the length and breadth of a country required legislation from a higher authority to avoid conflicts between shepherds on one side and farmers and landowners on the other.

Whereas the mountains may be often regarded as free for all, the same cannot be said of arable hills and lowlands. In Spain all four of the titles of the Visigothic that deal directly with agriculture refer to the problem of damage to crops caused by grazing animals. The former had emerged by and was officially disbanded in , the latter went on until The lined areas show the distribution of arable land, generally flood plains, the blank areas show the distribution of higher ground suitable for grazing.

We do not know whether the shepherds of Neolithic KOROS were the farmers themselves, or a separate ethnic group belonging to the older Mesolithic population, there is however one striking fact shown by this distribution: the strategic position of all settlements. Since all grazing land is situated within two Km from any settlement, transhumance was probably unnecessary in this case and sheep may have been fed in winter -as it was still the case for small flocks in my own times- with stored poplar leaves or other fodder especially put away in summer.

This initial form of short range wandering, may have led in time to shepherds being away from home for longer periods. In the Alps for example, shepherds spend the winter at home in the valley bottom, and take their sheep to high pastures , in summer, within 10 Km from home at most, where they reside in huts.

In Central and Southern Italy, archaeologists have found what in my view is clear evidence of longer-range seasonal migration. Whether this migration involved whole families or only some members of a community is impossible to find out with the evidence at hand. The map shows areas of highland and lowland Neolithic settlement in Central-Southern Ital, from the lowlands of the Maremma and the Roman Campagna, which were related to the upland of the Abruzzi, to the upland settlement area of the Gargano peninsula and the lowland area of the Tavoliere, and finally the highlands of Calabria with adjoining lowland on the Ionian coast.

The above map shows the historical transhumance routes of Romania. Romania is the land of the Wallachs, or Vlachs, a Latiin speaking people of rather mysterious origin. The Wallachs, no longer pure nomads, are nevertheless -together with other groups in Greece and Balkans- pure shepherds.

They are constantly referred to by ethnographers and ethnoarchaeologists as model for the study of pastoralism in Europe in the present and in the past. Recent research however, demonstrates that during the Barbaric invasions of the 5th century AD and afterwards, there came into Europe several hundred thousands of pure nomadic shepherds from Central Asia. These were the Alans, who came along with the Goths and settled in the exact areas where shepherds have been most numerous in early modern times.

Pure nomadic pastoralism is a different issue and we shall deal with it later. The issues of interest are: a Where are ot were the customary grazing grounds in Malta and Gozo? What was their geographical relationship with the villages and towns. Was grass available all year round or was fodder stored for winter. Has any research being carried out as to the genetic origin or associations of the Maltese sheep?

John G. BAR, International series, 4 : Graeme W. Barker The conditions of cultural and economic growth in the Bronze Age of central Italy. In Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 38, , LVI No , March They summarize and illustrate the contents of the research, the idea behind it, and, in a broader sense, the process of investigation, which includes both a scientific and a didactic aim. The aim of the project is to make a historical and archaeological study of a southern Italian, upland region —the Classical Samnium- focussing on the economic implications of a system of drove roads.

We are interested in its development and its in fluence on social organization, religious beliefs, settlement patterns and ideological and economic structures. In a broad sense our aim is to investigate the interaction between man and environment over the long period, from pre-Roman to post-Roman times. Landscape and settlements An inland territory 30km northeast of Benevento was chosen as the area for our pilot- study.

The area chosen for survey constitutes a rectangle, ca. In antiquity this region was part of the ethnic territory of the Hirpini. The morphology of the landscape is characterised by ridges of rough hills and narrow river valleys; continuous high ridges command the surrounding territory. Two main river valleys penetrate into the area: to the south, the valley of the Miscano, and to the north the valley of the Tammaro.

The drove climbs up the hill, a rise of about m, it skirts Buonalbergo going uphill, and passes downhill through Casalbore to reach the bottom of the valley of the River Miscano, where it meets the Via Traiana. The three-dimensional diagram shows the relationships between the droves, the relevant sites and the topography of the region.

We will notice the high location of Medieval forts in contrast to the Roman farms on lower ground, at hand with roads and streams. The elevated position of ancient cemeteries and their position with respect to settlements is likewise clearly visible.

Surveys and excavations carried out in our area have so far failed to locate any settlement or a hill-fort of the Samnite period. At Casalbore a settlement dating from pre-Roman times has been excavated and a necropolis with tumuli covering a vast area north of the town can be seen while walking in the fields.

By analogy with other pre-Roman settlement areas, one should expect a hill-fort to have existed in the area. Since the Romans settled on the plains and lower valley slopes, close to arable land and water, ancient hill-forts should be easily identifiable. Early medieval settlements, generally of Longobard origin, are even more rare than the pre-Roman hill-forts in this area, wherever found these usually have strong and well- built defensive walls.

Longobard sites, such as watch-posts, can be located solely through place-names of Germanic origin. In winter the upland grazing ground is covered in snow whereas the lowland pastures turn luxuriantly green with the frequent rains. In summer, on the other hand, the lowland pastures become parched by the heat of the sun, wile the upland meadows return green after the melting of the snow. In the Apennine regions of Italy, the shifting of the flocks often involves long distances: moving the flocks from the mountains of Abruzzo to the plains of Apulia usually took a month in each direction.

This economy eventually became so profitable that during Roman times the administration and management of drove roads calles virtually became a state within the state, and for a period of time the area became a province in the Roman administration. The territory and its management was under state control and employed a strictly hierarchical labour force, including slaves. In contrast to the Roman roads, which were designed and constructed for military ends, the droves were used for several purposes.

The many calles crossing these inland regions hosted a continuous flow of men, goods, animals and soldiers. The transhumance economy, still fluorishing in the Middle Ages, was brought to a higher level of organisation by the Aragonese, who re-modelled it on the Spanish Mesta.

The art of preparing the skin and of processin wool, to produce the raw materials and finished products, required a specialised work-force, organised in a hierarchical system based on labour division. These products , the result of an industrial organisation, competed with or were exchanged for those already famous from England.

Competent capital and credit management, allowed some individuals to accumulate enormous fortunes by dealing in wool, and this wealth had reflections in the splendour of Central Italian cities and towns during the early Renaissance. At the beginning of the 19th century, the transhumance economy wained considerably, owing to circumstances related to the impact of imported Australian wool into the European markets.

This crisis prompted an increase in the cultivation of cereals on the plains in Apulia. The seasonal migration continued, albeit on a smaller scale, well into modern times. In the s, flocks were still seen being driven along these roads. Today, the trails are no longer used for long-distance movements, and the flocks are transported in trucks. The ancient drove road, which starts at Pescasseroli in the Abruzzo and ends at Candela in Apulia, and that was later re-integrated as Regio Tratturo 7, runs across our survey area.

Many of the shepherds who have been parties to this age-old ecological system are still with us on these highlands; they undoubtedly constitute a great potential for ethno- archaeological investigations. Sacred places Many ancient cults and ritual practices can be connected to the pastoral life.

Some religious features, which are closely linked to the mobile pastoral economy, show a striking constancy through time. They celebrate the moment before the transhumant shepherds leave respectively return to the mountains after the distant winter pasturage. While settlement patterns differ through historical periods, sacred places tend to be continually frequented.

The only excavated and documented, ancient sanctuary in this area is the so-called Samnite temple at Macchia Porcara in Casalbore, which lies in close proximity to the drove road Regio Tratturo 7, which runs through the modern town and was used until recently for the same purpose.

The occurrence of several, scattered, sulphurous springs is a geological phenomenon typical of the Hirpinian territory. The healing and purifying effects of sulfur were well known in antiquity and were practiced for both men and animals, particularly for the sheep. Several cult places of early and later Christianity in the survey area show traces of continuity from antiquity.

Due to the Longobard dominion of ca. He is represented both in a high place chapel above the River Tammaro and a cave sanctuary at Casalbore. The shrine has clearly been modelled on the great underground sanctuary at Monte Gargano, an important place of pilgrimage for the Longobards.

Maria dei Bossi, in close proximity to the Via Traiana, was built into a late Roman mausoleum and held a prominent position until modern times, being connected to an extensive and important riposo resting-place for the transhumant herds during the Aragonese reintegration of the network of tratturi.

The respective histories of the sacred places should also illuminate the history of the Via Egnatia and Via Traiana and the mysterious Via Sacra Langobardorum, leading the pilgrims to the holy shrine at Monte Gargano and some of the crusaders to the Holy Land. Publications The results of the preliminary investigation that took place in a selected survey area in the inland of Campania during the summer of , are published in "Per Itinera Callium". Report on a pilot project. This article also contains an introduction to the historical and geographical spaces that the Appenine transhumance system embraces and in particular the spatial entity of the Hirpini.

A reconstruction of their ethnic identity and geographical boundaries is proposed. This questions the traditional view of the Samnite territory, which reflects a rather frequent case of ethnocentric history making.

Contrary to the ancient authors, which clearly distinguish between Samnite and Hirpinian territory, an arbitrary enlargement of the ethnographic and geographic entity of Samnium has been made; this has created a great confusion between geographical entities and ethnic groups.

This happened as a response to strategies adopted both by animals and plants to changing ecological condition and habitat at the close of the last Great Glaciation, around Patterns of exploitation must have caused processes of selective modification among the adaptive genetic components of some species. According to traditional archaeology where these species are found today they must have been found before domestication started. Between By the end of this period man the nomadic forager had settled in villages, relying primarily on farming and stock raising for his livelihood.

After a long interaction between humans and certain plants and animals, sedentism emerged as a new way of life. Some plants and animals had evolved into new forms and varieties under continual manipulation Naomi F.

Wheat and barley were regularly gathered wherever they grew wild, and eventually they were planted in adjoining areas where they did not grew naturally. Braidwood and Howe The Jarmo Project was approached with a multidisciplinary method and although the settlement later turned out not to be the oldest in the region, it remained the example and the model for a multidisciplinary approach to the problem of the origins of farming.

Other fundamental projects were carried out by British archaeologist Eric Higgs in the s All reasearch in the Near East lead to a conclusion: farming is associated with sedentism right from the start. The very earlieast morphologically new plants occur in the archaeological record from about 9. Barley, einkorn and emmer wheat were the first among domesticated food plants.

Durum grain appears around 8. Legumes also appear in the sequence but are more difficult to assess. The rise in sea level and in temperature lead to an increase in populations of plants and mollusks, which soon entered the diet of post glacial communities. Plant remains have always been analyzed within cultural contexts, namely from archaeological excavations.

Early research results were however misleading at times, since Not all seeds found were necessarily part of human diet. Naomi Miller found for example that some seed species entered a cultural context from the practice of using animal dung as fuel for cooking.

Others came in as animal fodder. Many of the early assumptions have recently been reassessed along similar lines Who needs cultivation? Archaeologists of the s such as Harlan and Zohary , Binford argued that where plants and animals are plentiful, planting seeds and raising animals for food seems a paradox. People are unlikely to cultivate what they can gather or hunt in plenty around them, its is rather the expansion in population that abundance of food brings about, which causes migrant groups to move onto other regions less plentiful and then bring with them seeds and animals for cultivation and stock raising.

It is therefore with migration from areas where availability of natural food resources has caused a growth in population that cultivation and stock keeping begins. This is the key to the understanding of the whole mechanism that caused the Neolithic Revolution. Population growth prompted the realization that a vegetable diet could support a larger population.

As the areas adjacent to the natural growth regions became in their turn more densely populated, communities began to plant more and more crops intentionally to ensure adequate food supplies. Different populations resorted to preferred foods. The Natufians for example, resorted to the exploitation of the wild gazelle as their peculiar diet.

Near Eastern sedentism was essential to the beginning of domestication and cultivation. Climatic change brought about spontaneous growth of food plants and animals in this region and people soon discovered how to gather and store sufficient quantities of foods for the rainy days. They also learned how to manage the wild herds of gazelle in order both to have plenty to eat and not deplete the resource.

From the geographical position of Jarmo, on the slopes of the Zagros Mountains, we can appreciate that condition there were ideal both for farming and for exploiting migrating herds of sheep and goats. These passed by the settlement in their spontaneous transhumance between the high summer pastures and the winter lowland grazing grounds.

Whether communities rely on wild or cultivated resources, the problem of depletion may arise and a system of management will need discovering. Shifting agriculture and fallowing were such discoveries as enabled communities to reside in the same village for generations. In some cases villages were deserted for a number of years only to be rebuilt and inhabited again by the same community. A striking fact to note —which tends to escape the attention of most archaeologists - is that where the first villages grew, conditions must have been so ideal that such villages are still lived in today and look pretty much as they did All early domesticated crops and animals reached Europe both via Greece and the Balkans and by sea, and Initially crop agriculture in Europe was a sideline to a well- established hunting and gathering economy.

It is difficult to study early European agriculture as a separate issue from stock breeding, as crops in Europe depend largely on animal manure as a fertilizer. On the other hand oxen for ploughing relied on especially sown crops for fodder in winter.

These aspects confer a special character to European agriculture with respect to the place of origin. Dennell , Barker Furthermore, European farming was as diverse in the Neolithic as in early modern times, due to the great variety of environments present in Europe and also due to cultural differences existing previous to the introduction of farming. In fact the role of the many different Mesolithic cultures of Europe in the diffusion of farming has been underestimated in the past and it is still little appreciated in the present.

Europe has a very diverse environment as compared to other agricultural regions of the world, which are uniform over wide tracts of land. It is very difficult to divide Europe into homogeneous zones for the purpose of research. Other characteristics are geometrically painted pottery, cereal and legume cultivation, and sheep and goat husbandry. Throughout this area known Mesolithic settlements are restricted to cave sites.

The area is characterized by systems of mountains that offer good summer grazing; these enclose alluvial valleys that are extremely good for cultivation. The Northern Mediterranean Coasts are identified by warm dry summers and frost free winters that soon allowed the diffusion of olive cultivation. It is, in fact, the distribution of the olive tree that geographically defines the area. Here too mountain systems offer three types of environment: flood plain cultivation, hill terraced cultivation, and summer grazing.

Relief is moderate and rivers are navigable. This zone varies enormously from north to south but has one important unifying element in the Atlantic climate. In the north the short growing season greatly constrains crop production, which basically consists of barley and oats. In the south wheat, legumes and varieties of vegetables grow very well, and stock raising is also very important. This is the area of the Lake Dwellers that exploited the resources of intermontane basins and lakes.

The lack of significant tracts of arable land and the extent of meadows , farming systems are based on dairy products and summer grazing. The lowlands mainly produce hay as winter fodder. This zone has long and cold winters, short and often hot summers.

Hunting and foraging have always been a good alternative to farming. Early European Neolithic begins first in Greece in 6. The diffusion of agriculture into Europe has been explained in various ways by generations of archaeologists, none of whom had any concern with ethnography. European ethnography was though of as a subject of interest for folklorists alone.

Today of course the picture has changed and thanks to people such as Graeme Barker and Andrew Sherratt we made a breakthrough. At first it was thought that Neolithic farmers, by virtue of their superior economy and the demographic expansion it caused, overwhelmed local hunting-gathering groups which were rather thin on the ground. This model has been criticised by Robib Dennell, among others, who has argued that there is no evidence of such wave of advance throughout Europe.

No expansion from these areas may be detected for at least 1. In northern Europe the same seems to happen. Two farming settlements of the Linear Bandkeramik, Korlat and Etzun, for example, are virtually contemporary 4.

Yet another site Siggeuben Sud, is only Km away from Eitzun, but 1. Evidence shows a process of very gradual assimilation. It is now an established fact that all crops, including rye, came into Europe from the Near East - possibly only oats developed in Europe, where the wild horse was common, but it was only cultivated quite late, Only some legumes show a European origin.

Early farming in Europe first occurs where there existed thriving hunting-gathering communities, and this is an important point to put against the theory of migration, or progressive expansion and colonization by demographic growth. Ethnography shows that hunters-gatherers are very flexible and resourceful in exploiting numerous and diverse resources. Far from being as conservative as the farmers, they very readily adopt new techniques when they discover them.

They can very readily turn to herding and crop cultivation if it suits them. Some researchers of the Cambridge School state that management of red deer herds, wild barley harvesting and hazelnut picking amounted to domestication, and were practiced well ahead of the Neolithic. It is possible that European hunting-gathering communities were cultivators and herders and only discarded their own traditional animals and crops acquiring other that gave better returns.

Sheep might have been found an easier animal than deer to handle. Plants such as acorns and hazelnuts — widely used in Mesolithic Europe — may have been found to be less agreeable and convenient than legumes and cereals. They gave higher yields and were easier to process. Dennell indicates several ways in which foraging populations may have acquired the necessary techniques or resources for developing the agriculture that suited them. New species first appear among the local, second they become more important alongside the indigenous ones, third they will become predominant.

The way in which crop cultivation began as a minor addition to existing practices and then became predominant varies from area to area. Several critical factors of a local nature may have prompted the adoption of alternative sources. The fact remains that around 3. We will find somewhere the same agricultural techniques adopted at any stage in the development of farming in one place or another.

Once a thing has been invented it persists in its original form generally where it was invented as it suited the place. Its further developments may be found all along its path of diffusion, in forms that generally represent the stages of such development. This is not a dogmatic statement of principle, it is the result of the observation of facts on the field, facts that must be borne in mind at all times.

If the wheel was invented in Mesopotamia, we still see the very same wheel in present- day use there, and all the forms representing the stages of its development here and there as the case may be. As we have already seen in my first lecture, vehicles without wheels survived to the end of the 20th century all over Europe. Having made this premise, Wheeled transport first appears depicted in the Early Dynastic Period 4th millennium in southern Mesopotamia.

If the wheel was invented there — but this is be no means certain- it spread to Central Asia via the Caucasus or Turkmenistan, and reached Europe from the east in about 2. The plough has clearly been invented in several places throughout its area of use, but certain types indeed spread from a place of origin to others. It is however in Mesopotamia that we again find the first pictures of ploughs in about 4. The earliest plough marks in an archaeological excavation come from Susa and date to 5.

Plough marks become common in Europe from 3. In Europe there seem to have been until recent times a type of plough for each type of farming, soil and linguistic region, in combination that never seems to make any sense. Unfortunately research in the field of farming technology is lacking. In Italy, for example, there are regions where the spade was preferred to the plough, and the most primitive forms of ploughs could be found anywhere in Europe —let alone underdeveloped countries- until a few decades ago.

Existing studies on the plough and its development are not very useful, as no one has sufficient knowledge to carry out such research at this stage. We shall go into these issues more deeply later in these lectures. This points to a selective advantage given by the ability to drink unprocessed milk, a substance which prevents rickets.

Rickets are due to calcium deficiency which is characteristic of areas of low sunlight and shows low levels of vitamin D production. As farming spread to northern latitudes a diet based on cereals and legumes causes a deficiency in vitamin D unless milk is consumed.

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